Bibliographical history of electricity & magnetism, chronologically arranged — Text and Context

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Mottelay, Paul Fleury, 1841-1922 [Compiler], Glazebrook, Richard, 1854-1935 [Author of introduction, etc.], Thompson, Silvanus P. (Silvanus Phillips), 1851-1916 [Author of introduction, etc.] Project Gutenberg 2024
Electricity -- History; Science, Medieval; Magnetism -- History; Electricity -- History -- Bibliography; Magnetism -- History -- Bibliography Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Paul Fleury Mottelay's 1922 bibliography traces 4,458 years of writings on electricity and magnetism, from Chinese compass lore to Faraday's 1821 motor. The work's voice shifts from medieval scholasticism to 19th-century experimental reports, with entries varying from terse citations to detailed accounts of contested theories.
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his “Agamemnon,” London, 1873, E. H. Plumptre refers to the system of posts or messengers which the Persian kings seem to have been first to organize, and which impressed the minds of both the Hebrews (Esther viii. 14) and the Greeks (Herod., viii. 98) by their regular transmission of the king’s edicts or of special news.

What of the passage from the celebrated patriarch Job (xxxviii. 35): “Canst thou send lightnings, that they may go, and say unto thee, ‘Here we are?’” (original Hebrew, “Behold us”). As has been remarked, this seems prophetic, when taken in connection with the electric telegraph.

The fire beacons are also alluded to by Plutarch in his Life of Quintus Sertorius; and Mardonius prepared fire signals to notify Xerxes, then at Sardis, of the second taking of Athens.

REFERENCES.--“Le Théâtre des Grecs,” P. Brumoy, Paris, 1820, Vol. II. pp. 124–125; “Penny Encyc.,” Vol. XXIV. p. 145; Knight’s “Mechan. Dict.,” Vol. III. p. 2092.

For a decidedly original explanation of the beacon fires, read the introduction to “The Agamemnon of Æschylus,” translated by A. W. Verrall, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, England. See, likewise, reference to Act of Scottish Parliament, 1455, c. 48, made by Walter Scott in a note to his “Lay of the Last Minstrel”; “Archeologia,” London, 1770, Vol. I. pp. i-7.

=B.C. 1068.=--In the obscure age of Codrus, the seventeenth and last king of Athens, at about the period of the “Return of the Heraclidae” (descendants of Heracles--Hercules) to the Peloponnesus, the Chinese had magnetic carriages, upon which the movable arm of the figure of a man continually pointed to the south, and which it is said served as a guide by which to find the way across the boundless grass plains of Tartary. Humboldt states, besides, that, even in the third century of our era, Chinese vessels navigated the Indian Ocean under the direction of magnetic needles pointing to the south, and that, at pages xxxviii-xlii, Vol. I. of his “Asie Centrale,” he has shown what advantages this means of topographical direction, as well as the early knowledge and application of the magnetic needle, gave the Chinese geographers over the Greeks and Romans, to whom, for instance, even the true direction of the Pyrenees and the Apennines always remained unknown.

REFERENCES.--Humboldt, “Cosmos,” London, 1849, Vol. I. p. 173, also his “Examen Critique de l’histoire de la Géographie,” Vol. III. p. 36; “Mœurs de Reg. Athen.,” lib. iii. cap. xi. For Codrus and the Heraclidæ, consult: Chambers’ “Encycl.,” 1889, Vol. III. p. 329 and Vol. V. 1890, p. 657; “Encycl. Britan.,” 9th ed., Edinburgh, Vol. VI. p. 107 and Vol. XI. p. 92; Hœfer, “Nouv. Biog. Gén.,” Vol. XI. p. 29.

=B.C. 1033–975.=--Solomon, King of Israel, son of King David and of Bathsheba, who, “in the Jewish scriptures, has the first place assigned to him among the wise men of the East,” is believed by many to have known the use of the compass. The Spanish Jesuit Pineda and Athanasius Kircher assert the same, and state that Solomon’s subjects employed it in their navigations. Others, notably Fuller, “Miscel.,” iv. cap. 19, and Levinus Lemnius, “De Occulta Naturae Miracula,” lib. iii, have even tried to prove that Solomon was the inventor of the compass, and that it was in his time used by the Syrians, Sidonians and Phœnicians, but the contrary has been shown by Henricus Kippingius in his “Antiq. Rom. de exped. Mar.,” lib. iii. cap. 6, as well as by Bochart, the geographer, in his “Géo. Sacr.,” lib. i. cap. 38.

REFERENCES.--Venanson, “Boussole,” Naples, 1808, p. 34; Enfield, “History of Philosophy,” London, 1819, Vol. I. p. 40; Cavallo, “Magnetism,” 1787, p. 48; Ronalds’ “Catal.,” 1880, articles “Hirt” and “Michaelis,” pp. 246, 344.

=B.C. 1022.=--At this period the Chinese magnetic cars held a floating needle, the motions of which were communicated to the figure of a spirit whose outstretched hand always indicated the south. An account of these cars is given in the “Szuki” (Shi-ki), or “Historical Memoirs of Szu-ma-thsian” (Szu-matsien), which were written early in the second century B.C., and are justly considered the greatest of all Chinese historical works, containing, as they do, the history of China from the beginning of the empire to the reign of Hiao-wou-ti, of the Han dynasty.

REFERENCES.--“Les peuples Orientaux,” Léon de Rosny, Paris, 1886, pp. 10, 168, 240; Johnson’s “Encyclopædia,” Vol. I. p. 929; Humboldt, “Cosmos,” Vol. II. 1849, p. 628; Klaproth, “Boussole,” 1834, p. 79, for further allusion to a passage in the Thoung-Kian-Kang-Mou, already referred to under date B.C. 2637.

=B.C. 1000–907.=--Homer, the greatest of epic poets, called the father of Greek poetry, and who, according to Enfield (“History of Philosophy,” Vol. I. p. 133), flourished before any other poet whose writings are extant, relates that the loadstone was used by the Greeks to direct navigation at the time of the siege of Troy.

The latter construction has been placed upon several passages in Homer, the most important being found in Book VIII of the “Odyssey.”

As this appears to be the first attributed allusion to the compass, it is deemed worth while to give herein several interpretations of the original Greek. The selections made are as follows:

“In wond’rous ships, self-mov’d, instinct with mind; No helm secures their course, no pilot guides; Like man intelligent, they plough the tides.

Though clouds and darkness veil th’ encumber’d sky, Fearless thro’ darkness and thro’ clouds they fly.”

Alexander Pope, “The Odyssey of Homer,” London, 1818, p. 135.

“...; for here In our Phæacian ships no pilots are, Nor rudders, as in ships of other lands. Ours know the thoughts and the intents of men. To them all cities and all fertile coasts Inhabited by men are known; they cross The great sea scudding fast, involved in mist And darkness, with no fear of perishing Or meeting harm.”

Wm. Cullen Bryant, “The Odyssey of Homer,” Boston, 1875, Vol. I. p. 174.

“For unto us no pilots appertain, Rudder nor helm which other barks obey. These ruled by reason, their own course essay Sparing men’s mind ... Sail in a fearless scorn of scathe or overthrow.”

Philip Stanhope Worsley, “The Odyssey of Homer,” London, 1861, Vol. I. p. 198.

“For all unlike the ships of other men, Nor helm nor steersman have our country’s barks, But of themselves they know the thoughts of men; ... and wrapped in gloom and mist O’er the broad ocean gulfs they hold their course Fearless of loss and shipwreck....”

Earl of Carnarvon, “The Odyssey of Homer,” London, 1886, p. 201.

“These marvellous ships, endued with human sense, and anticipating the will of their masters, flit unseen over the sea.”--“Homer’s Odyssey,” by W. W. Merry and James Riddell, Oxford, 1886, Vol. I. p. 353, note.

“That our ships in their minds may know it when they bring thee hither to hand, Because amidst us Phæacians, our ships no helmsmen steer, Nor with us is any rudder like other ships must bear, But our keels know the minds of menfolk, and their will they understand,

And therewith exceeding swiftly over the sea-gulf do they go, In the mist and the cloud-rack hidden....”

“The Odyssey of Homer,” translated by Wm. Morris, London, 1887, p. 145.

The afore-named construction is not, however, alluded to by Matthew Arnold in his well-known lectures given at Oxford, nor by the Right Hon. Wm. Ewart Gladstone either in his “Juventus Mundi” or throughout his very extensive “Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age.”

Sonnini tells us that as this period is about the same as that of the Chinese chronicles, it can scarcely be doubted that the knowledge of both the polarity of the needle and of the use of the compass for navigation date back 3000 years (Buffon, “Terre,” Paris, An. VIII. p. 304).

This ill accords, however, with the views of others who have concluded, perhaps rightly, that the Greeks, Romans, Tuscans and Phœnicians[3] were ignorant of the directive property of the magnet, from the fact that none of the writings, more especially of Theophrastus, Plato, Aristotle, Lucretius and Pliny, make explicit allusion thereto.

REFERENCES.--Humboldt, “Cosmos,” 1859, Vol. V. p. 51; “Good Words,” 1874, p. 70; Brumoy, “Théâtre des Grecs,” 1820, Vol. I. p. 55; Pope’s translation of the “Iliad,” 1738, Vol. I. pp. 14, 20; Schaffner, “Telegraph Manual,” p. 19; also references under both the A.D. 121 and the A.D. 265–419 dates.

=B.C. 600–580.=--Thales of Miletus, Ionia, one of the “seven wise men of Greece” (the others being Solon, Chilo, Pittacus, Bias, Cleobolus and Periander), founder of the Ionic philosophy, and from whose school came Socrates, is said to have been the first to observe the electricity developed by friction in amber.

Thales, Theophrastus, Solinus, Priscian and Pliny, as well as other writers, Greek and Roman, mention the fact that when a vivifying heat is applied to amber it will attract straws, dried leaves, and other light bodies in the same way that a magnet attracts iron (“Photii Bibliotheca” Rothomagi, 1653, folio, col. 1040–1041, cod. 242).

Robert Boyle (“Philosophical Works,” London, 1738, Vol. I. p. 506, or London, 1744, Vol. III. p. 647) treats of different hypotheses advanced to solve the phenomena of electrical attraction, saying: “The first is that of the learned Nicholas Cabaeus (A.D. 1629), who thinks the drawing of light bodies by amber ... is caused by the steams which issue out of such bodies and discuss and expel the neighbouring air ... making small whirlwind.... Another is that of the eminent English philosopher, Sir Kenelm Digby (A.D. 1644), and embraced by the very learned Dr. Browne (A.D. 1646) and others, who believed that ... chafed amber is made to emit certain rays of unctuous steams, which, when they come to be a little cooled by the external air, are somewhat condensed ... carrying back with them those light bodies to which they happen to adhere at the time of their retraction.... Pierre Gassendi (A.D. 1632) thinks the same, and adds that these electrical rays ... get into the pores of a straw ... and by means of their decussation take the faster hold of it ... when they shrink back to the amber whence they were emitted ... Cartesius (Descartes, A.D. 1644) accounts for electrical attractions by the intervention of certain particles, shaped almost like small pieces of riband, which he supposes to be formed of this subtile matter harboured in the pores or crevices of glass.”

The ancients were acquainted with but two electrical bodies--amber (_electron_), which has given the denomination of the science; and _lyncurium_, which is either the tourmaline or the topaz (Dr. Davy, “Mem. Sir Humphry Davy,” 1836, Vol. I. p. 309). From a recent article treating of gems, the following is extracted: “The name of the precious stone inserted in the ring of Gyges has not been handed down to us, but it is probable that it was the topaz, whose wonders Philostratus recounts in the Life of Apollonius. An attribute of the sun and of fire, the ancients called it the _gold magnet_, as it was credited with the power of attracting that metal, indicating its veins, and discovering treasures. Heliodorus, in his story of Theagenes and Caricles, says that the topaz saves from fire all those who wear it, and that Caricles was preserved by a topaz from the fiery vengeance of Arsaces, Queen of Ethiopia. This stone was one of the first talismans that Theagenes possessed in Egypt. The topaz, at present, symbolizes Christian virtues--faith, justice, temperance, gentleness, clemency.”

REFERENCES.--“Greek Thinkers,” by Theodor Gomperz, translation of L. Magnus, London 1901, p. 532; Zahn at A.D. 1696; Joannes Ruellius, “De Natura Stirpium,” 1536, p. 125; Paul Tannery, “Pour l’Histoire de la Science Hellène,” Paris, 1887, chap. iii. pp. 52–80; Becquerel, “Traité Expérimental,” Paris, 1834, Vol. I. p. 33; Pliny, “Natural History,” Bostock and Riley, 1858, book 37, chap. xii. p. 403; Pline, “Histoire Naturelle,” 1778, livre 37, chapitre iii.; Lardner, “Lectures,” 1859, Vol. I. p. 104; Humboldt, “Cosmos,” 1849, Vol. I. p. 182; Poggendorff, XI. p. 1088; Apuleius, Floridor, p. 361; Plato; Timæus, The Locrian; “De Anima Mundi ...,” 12, 15; Pauli (Adrian), Dantzig, 1614; Ulysses Aldrovandus, “Musaeum Metallicum,” pp. 411–412; Aurifabrum (Andreas), “Succini Historia,” ... Königsberg, 1551–1561; and, for the different names given to amber and the magnet by the ancients, consult, more especially, the numerous authorities cited by M. Th. Henri Martin (“Mém. présenté à l’Académie des Inscrip. et Belles Lettres,” première partie, Vol. VI. pp. 297–329, 391–411, Paris, 1860); J. Matthias Gessner, “De Electro Veterum” (Com. Soc. Reg. Sc. Gött., Vol. III for 1753, p. 67); Louis Delaunay, “Minér. des Anciens,” Part 2, p. 125 (Poggendorff, Vol. II. p. 540); Philip Jacob Hartmann, in _Phil. Trans._, Vol. XXI. No. 248, pp. 5, 49, also in Baddam’s Abridgments, Vol. III, first edition, 1739, pp. 322–366.

=B.C. 600.=--The Etruscans are known to have devoted themselves at this period to the study of electricity in an especial manner.[4] They are said to have attracted lightning by shooting arrows of metal into clouds which threatened thunder. Pliny even asserts that they had a secret method of not only “drawing it (the lightning) down” from the clouds, but of afterwards “turning it aside” in any desired direction. They recognized different sources of lightning, those coming from the sky (_a sideribus venientia_), which always struck obliquely, and others from the earth (_infera_, _terrena_), which rose perpendicularly. The Romans, on the other hand, recognized only two sorts, those of the day, attributed to Jupiter, and those of the night, attributed to Summanus (see Vassalli-Eandi at A.D. 1790).

This Vassalli-Eandi--like L. Fromondi--made special study of the very extensive scientific knowledge displayed by the ancients and, as shown in his “Conghietture ...” he concluded that they really possessed the secret of attracting and directing lightning. The above-named extracts concerning the Etruscans and Romans are made from the subjoined work of Mme. Blavatsky, wherein the following is likewise given.

Tradition says that Numa Pompilius, the second king of Rome, was initiated by the priests of the Etruscan divinities, and instructed by them in the secret of forcing Jupiter, the Thunderer, to descend upon earth. Salverte believes that before Franklin discovered his refined electricity, Numa had experimented with it most successfully, and that Tullus Hostilius, the successor of Numa, was the first victim of the dangerous “heavenly guest” recorded in history. Salverte remarks that Pliny makes use of expressions which seem to indicate two distinct processes; the one obtained thunder (_impetrare_), the other forced it to lightning (_cogere_). Tracing back the knowledge of thunder and lightning possessed by the Etruscan priests, we find that Tarchon, the founder of the theurgism of the former, desiring to preserve his house from lightning, surrounded it by a hedge of the white bryony, a climbing plant which has the property of averting thunderbolts. The Temple of Juno had its roofs covered with numerous pointed blades of swords. Ben David, says the author of “Occult Sciences,” has asserted that Moses (born about 1570 B.C.) possessed some knowledge of the phenomena of electricity. Prof. Hirt, of Berlin, is of this opinion. Michaelis remarks that there is no indication that lightning ever struck the Temple of Jerusalem during a thousand years: that, according to Josephus, a forest of points, of gold and very sharp, covered the roof of the temple, and that this roof communicated with the caverns in the hill by means of pipes in connection with the gilding which covered all the exterior of the building, in consequence of which the points would act as conductors. Salverte further asserts that in the days of Ctesias--Ktesias--India was acquainted with the use of conductors of lightning. This historian plainly states that iron placed at the bottom of a fountain, and made in the form of a sword, with the point upward, possessed, as soon as it was thus fixed in the ground, the property of averting storms and lightning.

“Ancient India, as described by Ktesias, the Knidian,” J. H. McCrindle, London, 1882, alludes, p. 68, to iron swords employed to ward off lightning. Reference is made to the _pantarbe_ at pp. 7–8, 69–70, and to the _elektron_ (amber) at pp. 20, 21, 23, 51, 52, 70, 86. See account of Ktesias in “Nouvelle Biogr. Génér.,” Vol. XII. pp. 568–571, and in “Larousse Dict.,” Vol. V. p. 614.

In his “Observations sur la Physique,” Vols. XXIV. pp. 321–323, XXV. pp. 297–303, XXVI. pp. 101–107, M. l’Abbé Rosier gives the correspondence between M. de Michaelis, Professor at Göttingen, and Mr. Lichtenberg, showing conclusively how the numerous points distributed over the surface of the roof of the Temple of Solomon effectively served as lightning conductors. Mr. Lichtenberg in addition shows that the bell tower located upon a hill at the country seat of Count Orsini de Rosenberg, was, during a period of several years, so repeatedly struck by lightning, with great loss of life, that divine service had to be suspended in the church. The tower was entirely destroyed in 1730 and soon after rebuilt, but it was struck as often as ten times during one prolonged storm, until finally a fifth successive attack, during the year 1778, compelled its demolition. For the third time the tower was reconstructed, and the Count placed a pointed conductor, since which time no damage has been sustained.

REFERENCES.--Mme. Blavatsky, “Isis Unveiled,” 1877, Vol. I. pp. 142, 457, 458, 527, 528, and her references to Ovid, “Fast,” lib. iii. v. 285–346; Titus Livius, lib. i. cap. 31; Pliny, “Hist. Nat.,” lib. ii. cap. 53 and lib. xxviii. cap. 2; Lucius Calp, Piso; Columella, lib. x. v. 346, etc.; La Boissière, “Notice sur les Travaux de l’Académie du Gard,” part I. pp. 304–314; “Bell. Jud. adv. Roman,” lib. v. cap. 14; “Magas. Sc. de Göttingen,” 3^e année 5^e cahier; Ktesias, in “India ap. Photum. Bibl. Cod.,” 72. See also, De La Rive, “Electricity,” London, 1858, Vol. III, chap. ii. p. 90; “Encycl. Brit.,” 8th ed., article “Electricity”; Lardner, “Lectures,” II. p. 99; Humboldt, “Cosmos,” 1849, Vol. II. pp. 502–504; Boccalini, “Parnassus,” Century I. chap. xlvi. alluded to at p. 24, Vol. I. of Miller’s “Retrospect”; Gouget, “Origin of Laws,” Vol. III. book 3; Themistius, Oratio 27, p. 337; “Agathias Myrenaeus de rebus gestis Justiniani,” lib. v. p. 151; Dutens, “Origine des découvertes ...”; “Gentleman’s Magazine” for July 1785, p. 522; Falconer, “Mem. of Lit. and Phil. Soc. of Manchester,” Vol III. p. 278; “Sc. Amer.,” No. 7. p. 99; E. Salverte, “Phil. of Magic,” 1847, Vol. II. chaps. viii. and ix.; “Fraser’s Magazine” for 1839; H. Martin, Paris, 1865–6; P. F. von Dietrich, Berlin, 1784.

=B.C. 588.=--The earliest reliable record of messages transmitted by the _sign of fire_ is to be found in the book of Jeremiah, vi. 1: “O ye children of Benjamin, gather yourselves to flee out of the midst of Jerusalem, and blow the trumpet in Tekoa, and set up a sign of fire in Beth-haccerem; for evil appeareth out of the north and great destruction.”

REFERENCES.--Turnbull, “Electro-magnetic Telegraph,” 1853, p. 17; Knight’s “Mech. Dict.,” Vol. III. p. 2092; Penny and other Encyclopædias.

=B.C. 341.=--Aristotle, Greek philosopher, says (“Hist. of Anim.,” IX. 37) that the electrical _torpedo_ causes or produces a torpor upon those fishes it is about to seize, and, having by that means got them into its mouth, feeds upon them. The _torpedo_ is likewise alluded to, notably by (Claudius) Plutarch, the celebrated Greek moralist, by Dioscorides, Pedacius, Greek botanist, referred to in Gilbert’s “De Magnete,” Book I. chaps. i, ii, and xiv; by Galen, illustrious Roman physician, who is also frequently alluded to in “De Magnete,” and by Claudius Claudian, Latin poet, who flourished at the commencement of the fifth century. Oppian describes (“Oppian’s Halieuticks of the nature of fishes and fishing of the ancients in five books,” lib. ii. v. 56, etc., also lib. iii. v. 149) the organs by which the animal produces the above effect, and Pliny (“Nat. Hist.,” Book 32, chap. i) says: “This fish, if touched by a rod or spear, at a distance paralyzes the strongest muscles, and binds and arrests the feet, however swift.”

“The very crampe-fish _tarped_, knoweth her owne force and power, and being herself not benummed, is able to astonish others” (Holland “Plinie,” Book IX. chap. xlii.).

“We, here, and in no other place, met with that extraordinary fish called the _torpedo_, or numbing fish, which is in shape very like the fiddle fish, and is not to be known from it but by a brown circular spot about the bigness of a crown-piece near the centre of its back” (Ausonius, “Voyages,” Book II. chap. xii.).

REFERENCES.--“Encycl. Metr.,” IV. p. 41; “Encycl. Brit.,” article “Electricity”; Jos. Wm. Moss, “A Manual of Classical Biography,” London, 1837, Vol. I. pp. 105–186, for all the Aristotle’s treatises, also Commentaries and Translations; Jourdain (Charles et Amable), “Recherches ... traductions latines d’Aristotle,” Paris, 1843; Fahie, “Hist. of Elec. Teleg.,” p. 170; “Sci. Amer.,” No. 457, pp. 7301, 7302; “Aristotle,” by Geo. Grote, London, 1872; Humboldt, “Cosmos,” 1859–1860, Vols. I and II _passim_, Vol. III. pp. 13–15, 29–30, 124; “Journal des Savants,” for Feb. 1861, March and May 1872, also for Feb., May and Sept. 1893.

Aristotle is alluded to in Gilbert’s “De Magnete,” at Book I. chaps. i. ii. vii. xv. xvi. xvii.; Book II. chaps. i.[5] iii. iv.; Book V. chap. xii.; Book VI, chaps. iii. v. vi.

Mottelay's compilation spans from 2637 B.C., when Emperor Hoang-Ti is said to have used a compass for troop direction, to Christmas Day 1821, when Faraday first made a wire rotate in a magnetic field. The early centuries are passed over quickly, with Homer's Odyssey cited, but the pace slows dramatically as the work approaches the 18th and 19th centuries. Entries grow from brief mentions to multi-paragraph discussions of individual researchers, their methods, and the reception of their ideas.

The compiler's voice is evident in evaluative phrases such as 'the superior manner in which all his observations were carried on' and in judgments about who deserves credit for a theory. The work is not a neutral list but an argument for the importance of tracing ideas to their 'nascent state,' as J. Clerk Maxwell's epigraph advises.

From Ancient Anecdotes to Scholastic Debates

The opening sections cover millennia in a few pages. Mottelay relies on secondary sources and legendary accounts, such as the Chinese emperor's compass. The language is summary and allusive: Homer is quoted, but no detailed analysis of ancient texts is given. The pace is brisk, with entries often consisting of a name, a date, and a single sentence.

As the work moves into the medieval period, the voice shifts. The subtitle promises 'researches into the domain of the early sciences, especially from the period of the revival of scholasticism.' Here, the entries become more substantive, citing manuscript sources like St. Augustine's La Cité de Dieu from a manuscript in the Musée de Chantilly. The compiler begins to weigh conflicting claims and to note the influence of Arabic scholars.

The structure remains chronological, but the density of information increases. Readers will notice that the early sections function as a rapid prelude, setting the stage for the more granular treatment of later centuries.

The 19th-Century Entries: Contested Theories and Detailed Accounts

By the time the work reaches the 1800s, the entries have expanded into mini-essays. The entry for G. F. Parrot (1802) runs several paragraphs, describing his chemical theory of the voltaic pile, his attempt to 'demolish completely the theories of Volta,' and his proposal for 'inoculating the clouds with thunder and lightning, by projecting bombs.' The language is evaluative: Parrot's facts 'would have ordinarily created a disturbing influence' but were overshadowed by Volta's supporters.

Mottelay includes references to multiple journals—Gilbert's Annalen, Annales de Chimie, the Mem. Acad. Petropol.—and even a report on telegraphs for the United States. The voice is that of a scholarly advocate, arguing for the recognition of overlooked figures. The entry for Berzelius (1802–1806) is similarly detailed, noting his 'Physical Researches on the Effect' and his status as 'one of the greatest of modern chemists.'

These later sections are where the work's true character emerges: not a dry bibliography but a narrative of scientific priority and controversy, told through the accumulation of citations and biographical sketches.

The Compiler's Voice and the Structure of Authority

Mottelay's editorial hand is visible throughout. He introduces entries with phrases like 'it must be admitted that' and 'the superior manner in which.' He quotes epigraphs from Pliny, Virgil, and Maxwell, framing the work as a defense of historical study. The foreword by Sir Richard Glazebrook notes that the volume 'has a tragic story,' referring to the deaths of both the introducer Silvanus Thompson and Mottelay himself before publication.

The work's structure—chronological but with uneven pacing—reflects the compiler's priorities. Early centuries are 'passed over quickly,' while the 19th century receives exhaustive treatment. The entries are not uniform; some are mere lines, others run to pages. This variation in length and detail creates a rhythm that rewards browsing: a reader can dip into the 1802 entry for Parrot and find a self-contained story of a theory that 'attracted comparatively little attention.'

The bibliography is thus also a history of scientific reputation, showing how some ideas gain traction while others are forgotten. Mottelay's voice, though rarely first-person, is consistently judgmental, making the work a personal as well as a scholarly document.

Readers approaching this 305,000-word compilation should treat it as a guided tour rather than a neutral reference. The chronological arrangement invites comparison between eras, but the uneven pace means that some centuries are glimpsed only in passing. Pay attention to the evaluative language and the choice of which figures receive extended treatment; these reveal Mottelay's own convictions about the development of electrical science. The work is best used as a starting point for tracing specific ideas or controversies, with the understanding that the compiler's voice is never far from the surface.

Flipping through Mottelay's bibliography, I lingered on those early entries, where electricity still felt like weather and whispers. It made me think of a quieter, stranger book from the same lineage, one that ponders why things cannot hold the charge at all. This one—An Essay to Shew the Cause of Electricity; and Why Some Things are Non-Electricable. In Which Is Also Consider'd Its Influence in the Blasts on Human Bodies, in the — Themes and Context—carries the same patient bafflement, as if the mystery itself was the friendliest companion.

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William Hill
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    Karen Gallegos - 1 month ago
    A comprehensive and useful reference, particularly for its careful chronological organization. The amount of effort that went into compiling this bibliography is evident. However, the dense text and lack of illustrations might make it a somewhat dry read for the casual reader. While it's a valuable tool for serious researchers, it might be overwhelming for those without a strong background in the subject. Still, if you need to trace historical sources, this is the book.

  • ...
    Gina Robinson - 4 weeks ago
    While the chronological scope is impressive, the book falls short in its execution. The text is dense and often without context, making it difficult to grasp the significance of each entry. It reads more like a list than a history, failing to provide the narrative that would make it engaging. Additionally, the lack of annotations or explanations for many of the references limits its usefulness. For those seeking an accessible introduction to the history of electricity, this book will likely disappoint.

  • ...
    Heidi Thomas Bush - 2 weeks ago
    This book is a treasure trove for anyone fascinated by the history of science. The chronological arrangement makes it easy to trace the evolution of ideas about electricity and magnetism, from ancient observations to modern experiments. The author's meticulous attention to detail and thorough bibliographic references are invaluable for researchers and students alike. It's not just a list of works; it's a narrative of human discovery that reads like a gripping story. An essential addition to any science library.


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How did the book work for you overall?

3

How likely are you to recommend this book?

4

What was the reading difficulty like?

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