From Newton to Einstein: Changing Conceptions of the Universe — Reading Notes

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Harrow, Benjamin, 1888-1970 Project Gutenberg 2019
Relativity (Physics); Ether (Space); Gravitation; Einstein, Albert, 1879-1955; Newton, Isaac, Sir, 1642-1727 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words: 29,950
Reading time: 131 min
Text sections: 6
This editorial note examines how Benjamin Harrow structures his popular 1920 exposition of relativity, tracing the movement from Newtonian mechanics through the ether problem to Einstein's unified theory, with attention to recurring images and the interplay between technical explanation and biographical framing.
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Ptolemy was in astronomy what Aristotle was in all other knowledge: they were the gods who could not but be right. Did not Aristotle say that earth, air, fire and water constituted the four elements? Did not Ptolemy say that the earth was the center around which the sun revolved? Why, then, question further? Questioning was a sacrilege.

Copernicus (1473-1543), however, did question. He studied much and thought much. He devoted his whole life to the investigation of the movements of the heavenly bodies. And he came to the conclusion that Ptolemy and his followers in succeeding ages had expounded views which were diametrically opposed to the truth. The sun, said Copernicus, did not move at all, but the earth did; and far from the earth being the center of the universe, it was but one of several planets revolving around the sun.

The influence of the church, coupled with man's inclination to exalt his own importance, strongly tended against the acceptance of such heterodox views. Among the many hostile critics of the Copernican system, Tycho Brahe (1546-1601) stands out pre-eminently. This conscientious observer bitterly assailed Copernicus for his suggestion that the earth moved, and developed a scheme of his own which postulated that the planets revolved around the sun, and planets and sun in turn revolved around the earth.

The majority applauded Tycho; a small, very small group of insurgents had faith in Copernicus. The illustrious Galileo (1564-1642) belonged to the minority. The telescope of his invention unfolded a view of the universe which belied the assertions of the many, and strengthened his belief in the Copernican theory. "It (the Copernican theory) explains to me the cause of many phenomena which under the generally accepted theory are quite unintelligible. I have collected arguments for refuting the latter, but I do not venture to bring them to publication." So wrote Galileo to his friend, Kepler. "I do not venture to bring them to publication." How significant of the times--of any time, one ventures to add.

Galileo did overcome his hesitancy and published his views. They aroused a storm. "Look through my telescope," he pleaded. But the professors would not; neither would the body of Inquisitors. The Inquisition condemned him: "The proposition that the sun is in the center of the earth and immovable from its place is absurd, philosophically false and formally heretical; because it is expressly contrary to the Holy Scriptures." And poor Galileo was made to utter words which were as far removed from his thoughts as his oppressors' ideas were from the truth: "I abjure, curse and detest the said errors and heresies."

The truth will out. Others arose who defied the majority and the powerful Inquisition. Most prominent of all of these was Galileo's friend, Kepler. Though a student of Tycho, Kepler did not hesitate to espouse the Copernican system; but his adoption of it did not mean unqualified approval. Kepler's criticism was particularly directed against the Copernican theory that the planets revolve in circles. This was boldness in the extreme. Ever since Aristotle's discourse on the circle as a perfect figure, it was taken for granted that motion in space was circular. Nature is perfect; the circle is perfect; hence, if the sun revolves, it revolves in circles. So strongly were men imbued with this "perfection," that Copernicus himself fell victim. The sun no longer moved, but the earth and the planets did, and they moved in a circle. Radical as Copernicus was, a few atoms of conservatism remained with him still.

Not so Kepler. Tycho had taught him the importance of careful observation,--to such good effect, that Kepler came to the conclusion that the revolution of the earth around the sun takes the form of an ellipse rather than a circle, the sun being stationed at one of the foci of the ellipse.

To picture this ellipse, we shall ask the reader to stick two pins a short distance apart into a piece of cardboard, and to place over the pins a loop of string. With the point of a pencil draw the loop taut. As the pencil moves around the two pins the curve so produced will be an ellipse. The positions of the two pins represent the two foci.

Kepler's observation of the elliptical rotation of the planets was the first of three laws, quantitatively expressed, which paved the way for Newton's law. Why did the planets move in just this way? Kepler tried to answer this also, but failed. It remained for Newton to supply the answer to this question.

Newton's Law of Gravitation. The Great Plague of 1666 drove Newton from Cambridge to his home in Lincolnshire. There, according to the celebrated legend, the philosopher sitting in his little garden one fine afternoon, fell into a deep reverie. This was interrupted by the fall of an apple, and the thinker turned his attention to the apple and its fall.

It must not be supposed that Newton "discovered" gravity. Apples had been seen to fall before Newton's time, and the reason for their return to earth was correctly attributed to this mysterious force of attraction possessed by the earth, to which the name "gravity" had been given. Newton's great triumph consisted in showing that this "gravity," which was supposed to be a peculiar property residing in the earth, was a universal property of matter; that it applied to the moon and the sun as well as to the earth; that, in fact, the motions of the moon and the planets could be explained on the basis of gravitation. But his supreme triumph was to give, in one sublime generalization, quantitative expression to the motion regulating heavenly bodies.

Let us follow Newton in his train of thought. An apple falls from a tree 50 yards high. It would fall from a tree 500 yards high. It would fall from the highest mountain top several miles above sea level. It would probably fall from a height much above the mountain top. Why not? Probably the further up you go the less does the earth attract the apple, but at what distance does this attraction stop entirely?

The nearest body in space to the earth is the moon, some 240,000 miles away. Would an apple reach the earth if thrown from the moon? But perhaps the moon itself has attractive power? If so, since the apple would be much nearer the moon than the earth, the probabilities are that the apple would never reach the earth.

But hold! The apple is not the only object that falls to the ground. What is true of the apple is true of all other bodies--of all matter, large and small. Now there is the moon itself, a very large body. Does the earth exert any gravitational pull on the moon? To be sure, the moon is many thousands of miles away, but the moon is a very large body, and perhaps this size is in some way related to the power of attraction?

But then if the earth attracts the moon, why does not the moon fall to the earth?

A glance at the accompanying figure will help to answer this question. We must remember that the moon is not stationary, but travelling at tremendous speed--so much so, that it circles the entire earth every month. Now if the earth were absent the path of the moon would be a straight line, say MB. If, however, the earth exerts attraction, the moon would be pulled inward. Instead of following the line MB it would follow the curved path MB'. And again, the moon having arrived at B', is prevented from following the line B'C, but rather B'C'. So that the path instead of being a straight line tends to become curved. From Kepler's researches the probabilities were that this curve would assume the shape of an ellipse rather than a circle.

The only reason, then, why the moon does not fall to the earth is on account of its motion. Were it to stop moving even for the fraction of a second it would come straight down to us, and probably few would live to tell the tale.

Newton reasoned that what keeps the moon revolving around the earth is the gravitational pull of the latter. The next important step was to discover the law regulating this motion. Here Kepler's observations of the movements of the planets around the sun was of inestimable value; for from these Newton deduced the hypothesis that attraction varies inversely as the square of the distance. Making use of this hypothesis, Newton calculated what the attractive power possessed by the earth must be in order that the moon may continue in its path. He next compared this force with the force exerted by the earth in pulling the apple to the ground, and found the forces to be identical! "I compared," he writes, "the force necessary to keep the moon in her orb with the force of gravity at the surface of the earth, and found them answer pretty nearly." One and the same force pulls the moon and pulls the apple--the force of gravity. Further, the hypothesis that the force of gravity varies inversely as the square of the distance had now received experimental confirmation.

The next step was perfectly clear. If the moon's motion is controlled by the earth's gravitational pull, why is it not possible that the earth's motion, in turn, is controlled by the sun's gravitational pull? that, in fact, not only the earth's motion, but the motion of all the planets is regulated by the same means?

Here again Kepler's pioneer work was a foundation comparable to reinforced concrete. Kepler, as we have seen, had shown that the earth revolves around the sun in the form of an ellipse, one of the foci of this ellipse being occupied by the sun. Newton now proved that such an elliptic path was possible only if the intensity of the attractive force between sun and planet varied inversely as the square of the distance--the very same relationship that had been applied with such success in explaining the motion of the moon around the earth!

Newton showed that the moon, the sun, the planets--every body in space conformed to this law. The earth attracts the moon; but so does the moon the earth. If the moon revolves around the earth rather than the earth around the moon, it is because the earth is a much larger body, and hence its gravitational pull is stronger. The same is true of the relationship existing between the earth and the sun.

Further Developments of Newton's Law of Gravitation. When we speak of the earth attracting the moon, and the moon the earth, what we really mean is that every one of the myriad particles composing the earth attracts every one of the myriad particles composing the moon, and vice versa. If in dealing with the attractive forces existing between a planet and its satellite, or a planet and the sun, the power exerted by every one of these myriad particles would have to be considered separately, then the mathematical task of computing such forces might well appear hopeless. Newton was able to present the problem in a very simple form by pointing out that in a sphere such as the earth or the moon, the entire mass might be considered as residing in the center of the sphere. For purposes of computation, the earth can be considered a particle, with its entire mass concentrated at the center of the particle. This viewpoint enabled Newton to extend his law of inverse squares to the remotest bodies in the universe.

If this great law of Newton's found such general application beyond our planet, it served an equally useful purpose in explaining a number of puzzling features on this planet. The ebb and flow of the tides was one of these puzzles. Even in ancient times it had been noticed that a full moon and a high tide went hand in hand, and various mysterious powers, were attributed to the satellite and the ocean. Newton pointed out that the height of the water was a direct consequence of the attractive power of the moon, and, to a lesser extent, because further away, of the sun.

One of his first explanations, however, dealt with certain irregularities in the moon's motion around the earth. If the solar system would consist of the earth and moon alone, then the path of the moon would be that of an ellipse, with one of the foci of this ellipse occupied by the earth. Unfortunately for the simplicity of the problem, there are other bodies relatively near in space, particularly that huge body, the sun. The sun not only exerts its pull on the earth but also on the moon. However, as the sun is much further away from the moon than is the earth, the earth's attraction for its satellite is much greater, despite the fact that the sun is much huger and weighs far more than the earth. The greater pull of the earth in one direction, and a lesser pull of the sun in another, places the poor moon between the devil and the deep sea. The situation gives rise to a complexity of forces, the net result of which is that the moon's orbit is not quite that of an ellipse. Newton was able to account for all the forces that come into play, and he proved that the actual path of the moon was a direct consequence of the law of inverse squares in actual operation.

The "Principia." The law of gravitation, embodying also laws of motion, which we shall discuss presently, was first published in Newton's immortal "Principia" (1686). A selection from the preface will disclose the contents of the book, and, incidentally, the style of the author: "... We offer this work as mathematical principles of philosophy; for all the difficulty in philosophy seems to consist in this--from the phenomena of motions to investigate the forces of nature, and then from these forces to demonstrate the other phenomena; and to this end the general propositions in the first and second book are directed. In the third book we give an example of this in the explication of the system of the world; for by the propositions mathematically demonstrated in the first book, we there derive from the celestial phenomena the forces of gravity with which bodies tend to the sun and the several planets. Then, from these forces, by other propositions which are also mathematical, we deduce the motions of the planets, the comets, the moon and the sea. I wish we could derive the rest of the phenomena of nature by the same kind of reasoning from mechanical principles; for I am induced by many reasons to suspect that they may all depend upon certain forces by which the particles of bodies, by some causes hitherto unknown, are either mutually impelled towards each other, and cohere in regular figures, or are repelled and recede from each other...."

At this point we may state that neither Newton, nor any of Newton's successors including Einstein, have been able to advance even a plausible theory as to the nature of this gravitational force. We know that this force pulls a stone to the ground; we know, thanks to Newton, the laws regulating the motions due to gravity; but what this force we call gravity really is we do not know. The mystery is as deep as the mystery of the origin of life.

"Prof. Einstein," writes Prof. Eddington, "has sought, and has not reached, any ultimate explanation of its [that is, gravitation] cause. A certain connection between the gravitational field and the measurement of space has been postulated, but this throws light rather on the nature of our measurements than on gravitation itself. The relativity theory is indifferent to hypotheses as to the nature of gravitation, just as it is indifferent to hypotheses as to the nature of light."

Newton's Laws of Motion. In his Principia Newton begins with a series of simple definitions dealing with matter and force, and these are followed by his three famous laws of motion. The nature and amount of the effort required to start a body moving, and the conditions required to keep a body in motion, are included in these laws. The Fundamentals, mass, time and space, are exhibited in their various relationships. Of importance to us particularly is that in these laws, time and space are considered as definite entities, and as two distinct and widely separated manifestations. We shall see that in Einstein's hands a very close relationship between these two is brought about.

Both Newton and Einstein were led to their theory of gravitation by profound studies of the mathematics of motion, but as Newton's conception of motion differed from Einstein's, and as, moreover, important discoveries into the nature of matter and the relationship of motion to matter were made subsequent to Newton's time, we need not wonder that the two theories show divergence; that, as we shall see, Newton's is probably but an approximation of the truth. If we confine our attention to our own solar system, the deviation from Newton's law is, as a rule, so small as to be negligible.

Newton's laws of motion are really axioms, like the axioms of Euclid: they do not admit of direct proof; but there is this difference, that the axioms of Euclid seem more obviously true. For example, when Euclid informs us that "things which are equal to the same thing are equal to one another," we have no hesitation in accepting this statement, for it seems so self-evident. When, however, we are told by Newton that "the alteration of motion is ever proportional to the motive force impressed," we are at first somewhat bewildered with the phraseology, and then, even when that has been mastered, the readiness with which we respond will probably depend upon the amount of scientific training we have received.

"Every body continues in its state of rest or of uniform motion in a straight line, unless it is compelled to change that state by forces impressed thereon." So runs Newton's first law of motion. A body does not move unless something causes it to move; to make the body move you must overcome the inertia of the body. On the other hand, if a body is moving, it tends to continue moving, as witness our forward movement when the train is brought to a standstill. It may be asked, why does not a bullet continue moving indefinitely once it has left the barrel of the gun? Because of the resistance of the air which it has to overcome; and the path of the bullet is not straight because gravity acts on it and tends to pull it downwards.

We have no definite means of proving that a body once set in motion would continue moving, for an indefinite time, and along a straight line. What Newton meant was that a body would continue moving provided no external force acted on it; but in actual practise such a condition is unknown.

Newton's first law defines force as that action necessary to change a state of rest or of uniform motion, and tells us that force alone changes the motion of a body. His second law deals with the relation of the force applied and the resulting change of motion of the body; that is, it shows us how force may be measured. "The alteration of motion is ever proportional to the motive force impressed, and is made in the direction of the right line in which that force is impressed."

Newton's third law runs--"To every action there is always opposed an equal reaction." The very fact that you have to use force means that you have to overcome something of an opposite nature. The forward pull of a horse towing a boat equals the backward pull of the tow-rope connecting boat and horse. "Many people," says Prof. Watson, "find a difficulty in accepting this statement ... since they think that if the force exerted by the horse on the rope were not a little greater than the backward force exerted by the rope on the horse, the boat would not progress. In this case we must, however, remember that, as far as their relative positions are concerned, the horse and the boat are at rest, and form a single body, and the action and reaction between them, due to the tension on the rope, must be equal and opposite, for otherwise there would be relative motion, one with respect to the other."

Benjamin Harrow's 1920 volume moves through three conceptual stages—Newton, the ether, and Einstein—each building on the last. The book's structure mirrors the historical shift it describes: from a universe of absolute space and time to one where measurement depends on the observer's frame. Harrow repeatedly uses the image of a "peep into the beyond" to characterize Einstein's work, and he frames the theory's complexity by noting that even popular expositions require further popular introductions. The second edition adds photographs of key physicists and an appendix with contributions from Einstein, J. S. Ames, and others, making the book a layered document of early relativity reception.

Three-Part Architecture

Harrow divides his exposition into three main chapters: Newton, The Ether and Its Consequences, and Einstein. This sequence is not merely chronological—it is pedagogical. The Newton chapter establishes the classical framework that the ether chapter then destabilizes, setting up Einstein's synthesis as a resolution. The appendix, which occupies roughly a quarter of the book, reprints lectures by Einstein, Ames, Dyson, Eddington, and Thomson. By placing these primary sources after his own explanation, Harrow lets the reader encounter the theory in two voices: his simplified account and the originals' more technical formulations. The preface explicitly warns that even the appendix's "popular expositions" may need further introduction, acknowledging the difficulty of the material.

Recurring Images of Vision and Beyond

Harrow twice uses the phrase "a peep into the beyond" to describe Einstein's achievement—once in the opening Einstein section and again in the chapter's closing. This image of limited, privileged sight recurs in the book's emphasis on experimental confirmation: the deflection of starlight during an eclipse, the Barnard Medal citation, and the testimonies of Planck and others. Harrow also contrasts Einstein's wartime isolation with the public manifesto of German professors, framing the scientist as a figure who sees beyond national conflict. The visual motif is reinforced by the inclusion of portraits and photographs, making the reader a viewer of both the theory and its proponents.

Movement Between Technical and Biographical

Harrow alternates between explaining physical concepts and sketching the lives of scientists. The Einstein chapter, for example, opens with a biographical paragraph—birth, patent office, Zurich, Prague, Berlin—before plunging into relativity. This movement mirrors the book's overall strategy: the reader is led from the familiar (a person's career) to the unfamiliar (curved spacetime). Harrow also uses quotations from authorities (Lagrange, Arago, Planck) to bridge the gap between popular and expert discourse. The effect is a text that constantly shifts registers, never staying long in pure abstraction. The preface's note that the book is "little" and "popular" signals an awareness of its audience's need for varied pacing.

The Ether as Conceptual Pivot

The second chapter, "The Ether and Its Consequences," functions as the book's hinge. Harrow does not treat the ether as a mere historical curiosity; he presents it as a necessary step in the argument, showing how its properties led to contradictions that only relativity could resolve. The chapter's title emphasizes consequences rather than history, pointing forward to Einstein. Harrow's treatment of the Michelson-Morley experiment is implied rather than detailed in the excerpts, but the inclusion of Michelson's photograph in the second edition signals its importance. By structuring the book as a three-act drama, Harrow makes the ether chapter the moment of crisis before the Einsteinian resolution.

Readers approaching this book should expect a work that moves briskly through history, biography, and physics, often within a single page. Harrow's method is to assemble voices—Newton's laws, Planck's praise, Einstein's own words—rather than to argue a single thesis. The appendix offers a chance to compare the popularizer's voice with the originals. For those new to relativity, the book's structure provides a clear path: start with Newton, watch the ether fail, then see Einstein rebuild. The photographs and portraits remind us that these ideas emerged from specific people in a specific time.

Reading Harrow’s gentle insistence that Einstein’s theory grew from Newton’s unfinished questions, I thought of Mary Somerville’s quiet reverence for the same stubborn mysteries. Her A Preliminary Dissertation on the Mechanisms of the Heavens — Themes and Context feels like an earlier, softer breath of that same wonder. Both books treat the cosmos less as a problem than as a slow, patient acquaintance.

Dylan Carter
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